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The 26th Regiment North Carolina
Troops
A History by David McGee
CHAPTER II "BECOMING A REGIMENT"
During the early morning hours of September 2, the soldiers of the 26th North Carolina roused from their slumber. The day the men had anxiously awaited arrived at last. Now they were leaving the camp of instruction for their first duty post and a chance to fight the enemy.
By 3:00 a.m., the troops finished their breakfast and make final preparations for leaving. Later that morning, commanded by Lt. Col. Burgwyn in the absence of Col. Vance, they boarded the Atlantic and North Carolina Railroad and departed for the coast. Reaching New Bern, Burgwyn received orders from Brig. Gen. R. C. Gatlin to proceed with the unit to Morehead City. At 11:00 p.m., the train finally reached its destination. Weary men spent the night on the railroad cars.
During the time the soldiers remained in Morehead City, Gatlin received a report that Federal forces were planning an attack on Fort Macon. The brick masonry fort stood on the eastern end of Bogue Island (Bogue runs east to west rather than north to south), which was separated from the mainland by a shallow sound. Because it guarded the ports at Morehead City and Beaufort, Fort Macon was vital to the coastal defenses of the state. Gatlin decided to move the 26th and 7th North Carolina regiments across to Bogue Island where they could support the fort if the enemy attacked.
To prepare for the move, Lt. Col. Burgwyn and several other officers visited the island on September 4 and selected a position for the regiment's camp. They located a site about six miles south of Fort Macon, which they named Camp Burgwyn in honor of the lieutenant colonel's father. While on the trip across to the island, the men watched as a large warship came into sight and received fire from the guns at the fort.
When the officers returned to Morehead City in the evening, they learned that Col. Vance had joined the regiment. Vance had been on furlough at his home in Asheville when the news of his election as colonel of the 26th North Carolina reached him. He left Asheville on September 1 and travelled nearly the length of the state to reach his new command.
About 1:00 p.m. the next day, the regiment began its move to Bogue Island. While some of the troops had no trouble crossing and reached the island around 9:00 p.m., another group had anything but a smooth journey. Those men set out to cross the sound in a steamboat, but its boiler sprang a leak and the steamer had to turn back. The troops then boarded a schooner; it promptly ran aground. Finally they rowed small boats across the sound and reached their destination around three o'clock in the morning.
Vance and Burgwyn crossed ahead of the troops to make arrangements for receiving the men. According to Burgwyn, the disembarkation of the regiment created quite a "scene of confusion." Company officers failed to arrive with their men and the field officers had to supervise the unloading of the soldiers.
Their new surroundings must have seemed rather strange to these men from the piedmont and mountain portions of the state. As part of a string of barrier islands known as the Outer Banks, Bogue Island lay near the southern end of the island chain. Approximately a mile wide and nearly twenty-five miles long, the island was bounded by the Atlantic Ocean on one side and Bogue Sound on the other. Vegetation consisted mainly of dune grasses and dense thickets of short shrub-like trees, which William Glenn described as being so thick that "a rabet can hardly get thru." The predominate feature of the island was deep sand which the wind blew about in every direction.
The day after the troops landed on Bogue Island, they began setting up camp. After erecting their tents, locating an adequate supply of drinking water received top priority. The soldiers dug wells in the sand. Fortunately, they only had to dig about four feet deep before striking water. Although the water did not taste very good, it proved sufficient for the men's needs.
Camp Burgwyn quickly took on the air of a permanent encampment. During September, the regiment received over 30,000 feet of lumber for their building requirements. For the remainder of the month the soldiers remained busy setting up large canvas wall tents, putting wooden floors in their tents, and building stables (for the officers' horses) and kitchens.
Besides working on their camp, the men labored "a rit smar" on the island's defenses. In one instance they built a position for an artillery battery. First, they carried lumber from a boat landing to the site to provide the flooring and a defensive wall for the battery. The soldiers then brought up the ammunition and powder for the guns. According to one man, two cannon balls made a load because they weighed "a bout thirty four pounds" apiece.
Because there was no bridge connecting the island with the mainland, boats ferried building materials, rations, forage for the animals, firewood, and various other stores across Bogue Sound. The shallow depth of the water in the sound meant that the men had to wade out to the vessels to bring in the supplies. While this did not present a problem in September, the colder weather and resulting drop in water temperature later on must have made this a particularly unpleasant experience during the winter months.
Even though building the camp and defenses and carrying supplies consumed much of their time, the soldiers spent the main part of their days on drill and guard duty. When the 26th North Carolina arrived on Bogue Island, it remained more a collection of ten different companies than a well-disciplined military unit. Col. Vance and Lt. Col. Burgwyn immediately set out to prepare the troops for the combat that lay ahead.
When weather permitted (the drill field flooded any time it rained), the troops practiced about six hours a day. Vance left most of the training and discipline to the more experienced Burgwyn, who worked the soldiers "continually." Despite the amount of drill that he put the unit through, as late as December 26, Burgwyn remained unsatisfied with the conduct of the men. He stated that the discipline of the regiment was "wretched" and that Col. Vance had become convinced that severe remedies must be used to cure the problem.
Although Burgwyn's efforts would show their benefits in battle, at the time he quickly earned the hearty dislike of the troops. According to Thomas J. Cureton, Burgwyn was very strict in camp, "so much so, that up to the battle of New Bern he was very unpopular, and I often heard the men say if they ever got into a fight with him what they would do, etc., etc." Burgwyn never achieved the popularity that Vance had with the troops, but he did mold them into an efficient fighting unit.
One reason for the necessity of drill and discipline came from the constant presence of the Federal threat to the coast. From the day the 26th North Carolina arrived on Bogue Island until the time the regiment moved back to the mainland, "Old Abes Ships" remained in sight almost every day. Usually, from one to three vessels could be spotted at any given moment. Despite the threat, the Confederates expressed a conviction that their defenses could withstand any attack. W. E. Setser stated that all the men were anxious to fight, and that if the "yankees want to get thinder and trim just let them land hear . . . we will feed them on canon plates and grape and musketry."
The soldiers remained ready to combat any possible landing by the enemy. On several instances from late September through mid-October they went on alert when reports came of Federal troops disembarking on the island. When these alarms sounded, the officers called their companies to arms and gave instructions on preparing for combat. Usually this meant that the troops were to cook three days' rations and have their weapons close at hand. On occasion, some of the companies marched to a position to oppose a threatened landing. In every case, however, the alarms turned out to be false and the men relaxed their guard.
When not drilling or standing guard, the soldiers employed a variety of means to enjoy their free time. As was the case at the camp of instruction, writing families and friends at home became one of their favorite activities. Although the letters varied greatly in content and quantity, the men's desire to receive news (along with more tangible items) came through very clearly.
The soldiers frequently requested food from home. While such novelty items as fresh fish and oysters proved fine for a time, the men quickly grew bored with such a diet, especially when often eating the same thing three times a day. Foods that may have seemed common back home gained a new appeal after the troops had been without them for a while. Gus Jarratt had only been with the regiment a short time before he requested that his brother send a box of food with onions and cabbages included. The men of Company G were delighted to receive about three bushels of food from home, especially since the items included such delicacies as cheese, butter, and cakes. When one man received a box of apples from his wife, he did not have them for "three minutes" before other men came around wanting some.
The soldiers looked to their families to provide much of their clothing. Although the army's quartermaster department sometimes supplied clothes, these garments were often of inferior quality and fit. Fortunately for the troops, at least during the first months of the war, they received a number of shipments of apparel from home. With the onset of colder weather, men began seeking warmer clothes. In some cases, the army issued overcoats, but usually there were not enough to go around. As a result, soldiers turned to their families for such items as overcoats, comforters, and extra blankets.
Most enlisted men had little (if any money) and, if families and friends had not helped supply them, would have had to rely solely on what little the army could provide. On September 17, Col. Zebulon Vance informed the governor that a portion of the regiment was "almost in a state of mutiny on account of their non-receipt of their pay." He stated that the troops had become so destitute that they could not purchase fish, cheap and abundant as it was on Bogue Island. Even with this warning, the men did not receive their first pay from the army until early November.
More than anything else, soldiers wanted to see people from home. When the men found they could not get furloughs to go home (except in rare cases when they were ill), they repeatedly pleaded with family and friends to come see them in camp. After several women had visited the regiment to see their relatives, Joseph White beseeched his wife "for Gods sake come never mind the cost I wil pay." Others in the regiment expressed much the same sentiment as they became homesick. Even Col. Vance fell victim to the loneliness. He asked his wife to come down to New Bern where he would be able to visit with her.
Although soldiers generally wished the best for their family and friends back home, their feelings for those men who remained at home instead of joining the army were very different. Sometimes the troops simply called on the men of their area to volunteer. More often, the emotions expressed became quite harsh. Noah Deaton referred to men who had nothing to keep them from joining the army as "such cowards that they would suffer subjugation rather than fight." Deaton hoped no one would take offense at his words, but said that if they did, the best remedy would be for the offended men to take up arms and defend their homes. Another soldier became even more vehement and stated that he would be glad to see such men drafted and forced to take the front ranks in battle.
When not writing letters, many of the men set out to explore their surroundings whenever they got the chance. While some of the soldiers took rides on boats around Bogue Sound and to surrounding islands, others preferred to do their travelling on dry land. A few walked the six miles up to Fort Macon to get a look at its defenses and visit with friends.
The ocean and its bounty seemed to hold a particular thrill for many of the men. Hunting seashells became a popular pastime. Joseph White traveled up to Shackleford Banks (an island two miles above Fort Macon) for the purpose of finding some shells. He told his wife that he had some "verry pretty conk shells" and fifteen to twenty types of other shells.
Visiting the saltworks along the coast provided another diversion for the men. The process of making salt by evaporating seawater intrigued the soldiers. Several tried to get some of the precious commodity to send home.
Two other ways that individuals found to pass the time involved highly contrasting activities. While one group of men found comfort in their religion, holding prayer meetings every night and having sermons on Sundays, others found solace in drinking alcohol. According to T. W. Setser, who complained earlier about the drinking and rowdiness at the camp of instruction, he and several other men went over to Beaufort and "got tite." Other soldiers frequently requested that someone from home send or bring them whiskey or brandy.
While the troops found ways to combat the boredom of army routine, they did not easily find a way to battle a much more serious problem. Not long after the regiment moved to the coast, illness swept through the camp. The 26th North Carolina quickly came face to face with its deadliest enemy--disease.
Like most Confederate units, the first diseases to affect the regiment were "children's illnesses", such as measles and mumps. Less than two weeks after the regiment had arrived at Camp Burgwyn, Col. Vance reported that a "great many" men had fallen sick with those two ailments. Measles, in particular, spread rapidly through camp. On September 15, Joseph White wrote his wife that twenty-five men in company G had measles. Two days later, the number had risen to forty. Although measles and mumps did not directly cause many deaths (only two deaths on Bogue Island were attributed to measles), the resulting weakness of the immune system left soldiers susceptible to more serious diseases.
Impure water and unsanitary conditions in the camp contributed to most of the illnesses suffered by the troops. With the water table being near the surface and the shallow wells being in the camp, the number of ailments caused by impure water grew the longer the regiment remained on the island. Although the soldiers' writings reveal no information about their sanitary habits during the period, it seems likely that when they wished to relieve themselves they simply chose a convenient location without regard to possible problems with diseases. Thus, germs spread through the water and then through the troops.
While only four men died from typhoid or other fevers during September and October, the months of November and December saw the count rise to six. At the same time, the number of deaths caused by illnesses listed simply as "disease" or unknown jumped from four to fourteen. These unknown ailments were probably diarrhea or dysentery, both of which, like typhoid, were transmitted through impure water. Once the regiment moved to a more open camp on the mainland in December, the number of disease-related deaths dropped dramatically, with only two being recorded for the month of January.
Such medical facilities as existed to prevent and treat diseases proved inadequate for the task. Although immunization was tried in at least one company, no records exist that show much effort was expended to prevent sickness from occurring or spreading. Once an illness did occur, the physicians often had no idea how to combat it. When Lt. Col. Burgwyn contracted typhoid, he went first to the hospital at Carolina City where the regimental surgeons treated him. While at the hospital, the "drunken doctor" (who Burgwyn had recommended as regimental surgeon) continually treated him with calomel. Not until Burgwyn's father moved him to New Bern and put him under the care of the family's doctor did Burgwyn begin to improve.
For men who had not yet faced battle, deaths caused by diseases made a personal impact. The relatively small number of deaths meant that the soldiers could publicly pay their respects to their deceased comrades. During the period between November, 1861 and February, 1862, the Raleigh Standard printed five regimental letters expressing regret at deaths caused by disease. Once the troops became engaged in combat and faced the epidemics of 1862, the number of deaths became so high as to prevent continuing the practice of publishing "death" resolutions.
During the three months the 26th North Carolina spent on Bogue Island, two events took place which broke the monotony of camp life. The first occurred in mid-October, when the regiment moved to a new site known as Camp Wilkes, located approximately one and one-half miles below Fort Macon. According to one man, a "beautiful cedar grove" served as the site of the new camp. He believed that it would make a good place for winter quarters if the regiment was to remain on the island.
The second incident began on November 1, when a severe tempest swept the area around Bogue Island. The storm blew down a number of tents and left part of the camp submerged. More importantly, the rough weather brought with it an unusual visitor the next day. As Col. Vance returned from visiting Fort Macon, he met several of his soldiers escorting a Yankee sailor who carried a white flag. When questioned by the colonel, the seaman replied that he had come from the steamer Union, which ran aground on the island during the storm. The Northerner was going to the fort to surrender the survivors of the wreck. After learning the location of the crew, Vance led two companies at the double quick about five miles below the camp, where they found the men from the ship. The troops took eighty-one seamen as prisoners. Vance promptly sent the Yankees under guard to Fort Macon.
These were the first Federal troops that the North Carolinians had met since the war began. Although some of the Confederates sympathized with the sailors, most seemed to look on them with disdain. According to one soldier, the main reason the Yankees served in the navy was to procure subsistence for themselves and their families. Another reported that the vaunted Federals gave up without any type of a fight, even though they had weapons at hand.
The colonel then dispatched Company K and a number of troops from a nearby artillery battery to march seventeen miles to the site where the Union had run aground. Once there, the soldiers found a large quantity of valuable material among the wreckage. The men recovered "30 or 40 Minie Rifles" and an equal number of muskets, several large casks of powder, two rifled cannon, the ship's engine, and a quantity of clothing and bedding. Among the more unusual things the men found were twenty-four "very good" horses (of the more than sixty originally on the ship), seven barrels of whisky, and a "great many bottles of champaign."
The men of Companies B and D came under hostile fire for the first time when several Federal vessels opened fire on the soldiers as they scavenged the wreck. Although the ships fired twenty-one shells at the troops, the men took refuge behind sand dunes and suffered no casualties. Several soldiers kept an unexploded round and fragments from other shells (including one piece "half as big as a head") as souvenirs.
Although scavenging the Union provided the men with a break from the monotony of life on the island, they were eager to move to winter quarters on the mainland. Throughout the fall, numerous ideas had been proposed to move the 26th North Carolina to a number of different locations in the state. None of these transfers ever materialized. Finally, on November 27, the regiment moved to a new camp located on the mainland about halfway between Morehead City and Carolina City and nearly three-quarters of a mile from Bogue Sound. The new base was named Camp Vance.
Soldiers quickly busied themselves building their winter houses in what several referred to as a pleasant place in the "piney woods." Before long the men were "snugly quartered" in their homes, enjoying the abundance of wood and "tolerably good" water located nearby. Even so, one member of the regiment remained unsatisfied. He lamented the fact that although plenty of squirrels inhabited the woods, the men could not waste cartridges shooting at them.
Minor problems aside, the troops gladly traded in their tents for wooden houses. According to W. E. Setser, they had a good house, plenty to eat, and could relax and play the fiddle. His cousin, T. W. Setser, added that he thought their house was one of the "purtes plases that your ever seen."
Colonel Vance relaxed the normal routine of the troops during the Christmas season. For five days, the men did not have to drill, only reporting for roll call and guard duty. The day after Christmas, a soldier from Chatham got married in a ceremony held at the regiment's camp. Some soldiers overdid things and ended up in the guard house. Even so, the men enjoyed having a "rowdy time."
On New Year's Eve, the big party of the season took place at Beaufort. Reserved primarily for the officers, only two privates from each company could attend. Although sixty or seventy of the "beauties of the burg" attended the party, none of the ladies met the high standards of Lt. Col. Burgwyn. One private reported the next day that the party-goers must have "kicked up a powerful dust they have not got back yet."
However, life at Camp Vance did not revolve around the parties, as one soldier informed his readers in a melodramatic lament. "Winter with its chilling winds and its cold rains has come. 'Tis a dark and gloomy day, and the shivering sentinels as they walk the wary rounds painfully remind us that the soldier's life is not altogether romantic."
To make matters worse for the enlisted men, Burgwyn remained unsatisfied with the military precision of the regiment. He felt that the troops had made little progress in drill during his absence with typhoid and determined to remedy that situation promptly. The men also found themselves restricted to the area around the camp. Word came that no more furloughs would be issued at the time.
The reason for the increase in drill and the ban on furloughs came from the fact that a large Federal force under Gen. Ambrose Burnside sat off the coast of North Carolina. Not knowing where the Yankees might choose to attack, Col. Vance's superiors ordered him to keep his regiment prepared to move at any time. On January 26, word reached Vance that Burnside had moved into the Pamlico Sound. The 26th North Carolina was to proceed immediately to New Bern.
That afternoon, six companies under Vance bid an "affectionate farewell" to their comfortable winter quarters and hurriedly boarded the train that would transport them to New Bern. Lt. Col. Burgwyn remained behind with orders to bring the other companies the following day. Late in the night, Vance and his troops arrived at Fort Thompson, a defensive line about four miles down the Neuse River from New Bern.
Vance selected a spot for the regiment's camp about a half-mile behind the works at Fort Thompson. Given the rainy conditions during February and March, the area he chose turned out to be a poor one. The camp was situated in a low, wet place that had poor drainage because of the clay soil. Friction arose between Vance and Lt. Col. Burgwyn over the camp's location. Burgwyn wanted to move to a better site, but the colonel decided to remain where they were because the men had already built "chimneys" for their tents.
The soldiers had little time to stay in their tents. As soon as the regiment arrived at Fort Thompson, they were put to work improving the defensive line there. When the unit arrived at its new post, the defensive line consisted of an earth and log breastwork that ran from Fort Thompson and the Neuse River on the left to a brickyard next to the Atlantic and North Carolina Railroad on the right. A small marsh lay between the railroad and Brice's Creek, an unfordable stream to the far right of the Confederate line.
General L. O'B. Branch, the district commander, remained unsatisfied with the existing defenses at Fort Thompson. After learning that Burnside's troops attacked through what was thought to be an impenetrable swamp at Roanoke Island, Branch worried that Federal forces might also push their way through the marsh beside his defenses and get behind his main line. Therefore, he ordered Vance to have the 26th North Carolina construct a continuation of the line from the railroad to Brice's Creek. Because of the marsh, Branch decided that the extension should be placed on the hills behind Bullen's creek, about 150 yards behind the main line.
Unable to obtain slave labor, Branch used his troops to build the breastworks. The men worked every day for a month in building a series of redans on the hilltops that rose above the gullies flowing into Bullen's creek. Orren Hanner told his cousin that it had not taken him very long to learn the proper way to use a shovel.
Even after Burnside's force captured Roanoke Island on February 8, the Confederates still did not know where he might strike next. Therefore, officers continued to drill their troops in preparation for a possible attack against New Bern. The same day Roanoke fell, Gen. Branch held a general review to inspect all his forces. Branch's command, besides the 26th North Carolina, consisted of the 7th, 27th, 33rd, 35th, and 37th North Carolina regiments. In addition, he had at his disposal the 2nd North Carolina Cavalry, Latham's and Brem's batteries of artillery, a battalion of militia infantry, and several independent companies of state troops. Branch had approximately 4,500 men under his immediate command.
Burnside remained in the area around Roanoke Island until March 11, when he embarked the brigades of John G. Foster, Jesse L. Reno, and John G. Parke (along with their artillery) and sailed to the mouth of the Neuse River. On the morning of March 13, in a "cold penetrating rain," Burnside landed his nearly 10,000 troops approximately sixteen miles below New Bern. The Federal force moved toward the town along the tracks of the Atlantic and North Carolina Railroad and on the New Bern-Beaufort road.
Upon learning that the Union fleet was approaching the Neuse River, Branch positioned his troops to defend the line at Fort Thompson. On his left, between the fort and the Beaufort Road, he placed the 27th and 37th North Carolina. Colonel C. C. Lee commanded the left wing. His right wing, led by Col. Reuben Campbell, consisted of the 7th and 35th North Carolina, Latham's and Brem's batteries (minus one section), an independent company of infantry, and the militia battalion under Col. H. J. B. Clark. The right wing covered the area between Beaufort Road and the brick kiln on the railroad. Extending Campbell's wing to the right of the railroad were the 26th North Carolina, the 2nd North Carolina Cavalry, a section of Brem's artillery, and "one or two detached companies." The 33rd North Carolina served as Branch's only reserve for his thinly spread front line.
During the night of March 12, Branch moved to slow any possible Yankee advance by sending the Col. Sinclair's 35th North Carolina to hold the Croatan breastworks, about six miles downriver of Fort Thompson. At 10:00 the next morning, he ordered Lt. Col. Burgwyn to take the 26th North Carolina and a section of Brem's artillery to support Sinclair. (Vance remained behind in charge of the right wing since Col. Campbell had gone to the front.) Riding a train down to the Croatan breastworks, the regiment arrived just as Sinclair's troops were retreating before the Northerners' approach. Burgwyn moved forward and soon arrived at the breastworks. The troops remained at the breastworks about an hour before Col. Campbell, seeing that the rear of the 26th North Carolina was exposed to an attack by the oncoming Federal force, ordered the regiment to fall back to the main defenses. The troops quickly reboarded the train and traveled back to the Confederate line. [Map 1. New Bern & Surrounding Area -- March, 1862.]
Vance remained busy in the days before the battle. On March 12, he ordered a redan built across Weatherby Road, a small farm lane that ran between the right of his line and Brice's Creek. He placed the section of Brem's artillery, two companies of cavalry (from the 2nd North Carolina Cavalry Regiment), and an independent company of infantry to guard the road. About 2:00 a.m. on March 14, he received orders to strengthen that portion of the line and responded by sending Companies B, E, and K under the command of Lt. Col. Burgwyn to join the forces already at the road. Vance placed the left of his line under the immediate command of Maj. Abner Carmichael. His force--consisting of seventy-seven men from Company D under Capt. Oscar Rand, sixty-eight men from Company A, and twenty-five men from Company G--occupied a rifle pit near the railroad. This position was located to the right rear of the militia battalion holding the brick kiln. Vance kept the remainder of the regiment under his immediate command at the center of his position.
Most of the 26th North Carolina, along with a good portion of Branch's other troops, would fight against Burnside's forces at a disadvantage. With the exception of Companies D and E, which were armed with rifles, the men of the regiment carried smoothbore "altered muskets." In battle, this meant that the Federal troops, shouldering Enfield rifles, would be able to fire on the men of the 26th North Carolina at a distance farther than they could return the fire.
All day and well into the night of March 13, the heavy rain continued as the Confederates remained in their earthworks awaiting the enemy. Sometime before daylight the next day, the rain stopped. In its place was a dense fog that severely limited visibility.
Around 7:30 a.m. on March 14, firing began on the left of the Confederate line as Federal troops under Gen. Foster advanced. Shortly thereafter, firing spread to the right across the defensive position all the way to the railroad as Gen. Reno's men joined the attack. (Parke's brigade remained in reserve at this time.) The Federal advance progressed slowly in the beginning because Foster's brigade had encountered entrenchments in their front and Reno's men were fighting their way through marshy woods.
Not long after the battle opened, enemy soldiers began appearing in front of Maj. Carmichael's position. The Union troops had advanced under the cover of the woods until they neared the Confederate position. Carmichael ordered a volley fired into the head of the approaching column. The Yankees promptly returned the volley, but fired high. While one portion of the Federal force continued to shoot at Carmichael's men, another group attempted to turn his flank. A volley from the defensive position halted the flanking movement.
A regiment from Parke's brigade, however, came up and flanked the position of the militia battalion. The militiamen, who had only been in service for two weeks, fired a few rounds each from their shotguns and hunting rifles, then "ran like sheep." The militia's retreat left the right flank of the 35th North Carolina exposed; and following a mixup in orders, that regiment also fell back. For a moment, the center of the Confederate line was broken.
At this point, Branch ordered Col. C. M. Avery's 33rd North Carolina forward to support Vance's regiment and to seal the break in the line. Avery split his regiment into three parts. He sent four companies under Maj. Gaston Lewis forward to a rifle pit behind the abandoned brick kiln. After sending two other companies to support the center of Vance's line, Avery and his remaining four companies joined Carmichael's forces.
The center and right wings of the 26th North Carolina remained relatively inactive during this time. The Confederates had felled a number of trees in their front, which created an abatis that slowed most of Reno's brigade. Yet, because of the threat in his immediate front, Vance could not reinforce the more heavily engaged forces under Carmichael and Avery.
Around 11:00 a.m., as Avery and Carmichael stood near the railroad watching the action around the brick kiln, a bullet struck Carmichael in the head and killed him instantly. The person who fired the fatal shot may have been attracted by a small (three by four inches) Confederate flag flying from the major's hat. Carmichael had received the flag from a lady in New Bern and had promised to wear it in the first battle. Not long after the major fell, Capt. William Martin of Company H was killed as he stood near the center of the regiment.
The Union troops continued to push forward. Soon the entire Confederate left began to fall back. Colonel Avery found his men under fire from both front and left flank. Realizing he could not hold his position any longer, Avery gave the order to retire. The men from the 26th North Carolina who were with him joined the retreat. The Confederates fell back through a woody area filled with dense underbrush that disrupted their line of march. When Avery's force emerged from the woods, men on the left found their way blocked by a battery of Federal artillery supported by two regiments of infantry. When a Yankee officer rode up and demanded their surrender, Avery and the troops with him complied. The men who had been on the right of Avery's line used the woods to help cover their retreat and thus escaped.
Around noon, Vance received word from Capt. J. J. Young that the enemy was now in the left rear of the regiment. On learning this, and seeing Avery's men fall back, Vance ordered the remainder of his men to retreat. They fired one final ineffective volley and then quickly left their trenches. The troops reformed their line in the woods "without panic or confusion." The colonel then sent a messenger to Burgwyn to follow with the forces on the right of the line. The regiment crossed the Weathersby road and moved toward two bridges leading across the Trent River and safety. Before the men traveled very far, both bridges were seen to be on fire. Vance turned the troops toward Brice's Creek.
On reaching the unfordable creek, the soldiers found only one small boat which could carry three men. Some of the soldiers panicked, threw their guns and gear away, and swam across the river. Three men drowned while attempting the swim. Vance himself had a close call when his horse floundered while he tried to swim it across the creek. The colonel, weighted down by his accoutrements, nearly drowned before being rescued. He somehow managed to swim across the river, still wearing his sword, pistol, and cartridge box. Vance then rode down to the house of a local citizen and procured three more boats which he hurried to where his men waited.
As the boats came up, more men wanted to board the crafts than the boats could hold. To prevent overloading, Burgwyn and Capt. William Graham stood along the line and counted off eighteen men (the number the boats could hold) for each trip across the creek. Burgwyn had to threaten one man (who pushed through without permission) with his sword before the soldier got out of the boat. For a little over an hour, this process was repeated until all the troops had been ferried over the creek. Burgwyn crossed the creek last, just as Yankee skirmishers appeared several hundred yards away.
Once over Brice's Creek, Vance moved the regiment (joined by a portion of the 33rd North Carolina under Lt. Col. Hoke) toward Trenton. When they reached the town, the troops crossed the Trent River and continued on to the designated gathering point at Kinston. Around noon on March 16, the troops reached Kinston.
As the 26th North Carolina neared Kinston it received an escort from the famed Moravian brass band from Salem. The musicians met the troops and marched them into town playing "Dixie." The stirring notes of that tune must have made the steps of the weary soldiers a little lighter.
The 26th North Carolina performed well at New Bern. Although most of the regiment had not been heavily engaged in the fighting, the men held their ground, not retreating until the remainder of the Confederate forces had already left the field. The retreat itself was orderly and well managed for the most part, with the only signs of panic occurring when the soldiers were confronted with the unfordable Brice's Creek. Yet the discipline drilled into the troops by Lt. Col. Burgwyn manifested itself, allowing the regiment to ferry across with few problems. After crossing the creek, the men then covered forty-eight miles in forty hours by marching over muddy roads night and day, never stopping to rest for more than four hours.
Within a few days after the regiment arrived at Kinston, the morale of the troops improved dramatically. A number of men, some believing that the battle of New Bern had been lost because of poor leadership by Gen. Branch and the failure of the militia to hold its ground, expressed their desire to fight the Yankees again. As one soldier told his father, "we ar ready for the blasted thing again . . . they may over pour us, but they cant Scear us."
