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The 26th Regiment North Carolina
Troops
A History by David McGee
CHAPTER III "FOR THE DURATION OF THE WAR"
The 26th North Carolina remained at Kinston through early June. During this period, the regiment underwent a number of organizational changes. The first came on March 17, when a reorganization of Confederate troops in eastern North Carolina transferred it from Branch's command to the brigade of Gen. Robert Ransom. Those men who did not like the leadership of Gen. Branch soon had a chance to experience service under a different general. Along with the 26th North Carolina, Ransom's brigade included the 24th, 25th, 35th, 48th, and 49th North Carolina regiments.
Although the new brigade was composed of units with little if any combat experience, Ransom moved quickly to bring a fighting edge to his troops. A West Point graduate and former Regular Army officer, he believed in having a well-disciplined unit. Ransom conducted numerous drills and strictly enforced camp regulations while the unit remained at Kinston.
The men of the 26th North Carolina quickly tired of their daily routine at Kinston. They wanted something more exciting to occupy their time other than two drills and a dress parade each day. While the enlisted men may have been bored, officers remained busy trying to solve a number of ongoing problems.
The first obstacle to overcome involved clothing and equipping the regiment. When Federal forces broke the Confederate line at New Bern, they captured the camp of the 26th North Carolina (located close behind the lines) and took everything except what the men had with them during the battle. Quartermaster J. J. Young reported that all the tents, blankets, overcoats, and extra clothing for the men were gone. In addition, the regiment lost 879 knapsacks, 806 haversacks, 524 canteens, 569 cartridge boxes, and 495 muskets. Young attributed this "great loss" in guns (and presumably cartridge boxes) to the fact that many men were sick or at home on a reenlistment furlough, and their gear was in camp when the enemy captured it.
Immediately after arriving at Kinston, Col. Vance appealed to the people of the state for assistance. He pleaded through the Raleigh Standard for clothes; his men were "in a most destitute condition" and the government would be unable to supply the regiment with clothing for weeks. Within a week after Vance's call, garments poured into camp. On April 2, the Standard needed a full column to print a list of all the goods sent to the regiment. The assistance did not end there, as clothing continued to arrive for several weeks.
Vance also had to rebuild the numerical strength of his troops. Late in March he told his wife that although the men were in good spirits, the regiment was much reduced by "sickness and loss in battle." Disease again swept through the unit, this time killing and disabling a number of soldiers. From the middle of March through the end of May, sixty-two men died from typhoid fever and other illnesses. The poor campsite at New Bern, the ongoing exposure to the elements, and the poor sanitation habits of the soldiers all took their toll.
To attract recruits to the regiment, Vance began an ardent enlistment campaign. This included newspaper advertisements in which Vance stated the number of troops needed by each company. He also warned that "men liable to draft in those counties had better come along at once like white men, and not wait for the sheriff to bring them to me."
While it is not possible to determine what attracted the new men--the recruiting campaign, the threat of conscription, or the lure of the $65 bounty--they flocked to the regiment. Fifty-four men enlisted in Company K alone. From March 20 to March 30, the regiment received 114 recruits. Ninety more joined over the next two months.
Two recruits brought a touch of notoriety (and humor) to the regiment. On March 20, Keith and Samuel Blalock, from Caldwell County, enlisted in Company F. The Blalocks served for one month before Keith contracted a rash from rolling in poison sumac. The rash proved severe that the doctors could not diagnose the cause and, fearing he had a contagious disease, dismissed him from service. Samuel then went to Col. Vance and asked to be dismissed as well--on the grounds that he was a woman. On examination, the surgeon verified the claim, and she received a discharge along with her husband Keith. According to a newspaper account, Malinda (Samuel's real name) had "drilled with her company and was learning fast . . . it was unanimously voted that Mrs. Blaylow [sic] was 'some punkins'."
In addition to bringing in new recruits, the officers had to convince their men (who had originally enlisted to serve for twelve months) to reenlist for the duration of the war. The reenlistment process had begun back in February and continued while the unit remained at Kinston. Colonel Vance, an excellent speaker, entreated his troops to remain with the regiment. His appeal, along with the threat of conscription, helped bring a number of reenlistments. By April 22, a sufficient number of men signed up to fight "for the duration," allowing the 26th North Carolina to reorganize officially for the war.
As part of reorganization, soldiers received the right to elect their company officers. Company officers would then choose the field officers. During this process, a number of changes occurred in the regiment's leadership. Six companies received new captains. At the same time, Maj. Nathaniel P. Rankin resigned and Lt. James S. Kendall was elected to replace him.
Vance's popularity with his soldiers brought him easy reelection as colonel. For Lt. Col. Burgwyn, the issue remained in doubt for some time. His reputation as a tough drillmaster made him unpopular with the troops. This was offset to a large degree by his performance at New Bern, where he consistently led the rearguard of the regiment as it retreated. In the end, Burgwyn won reelection by a majority no more than four votes.
Ransom's brigade remained in the area around Kinston and Goldsboro until the middle of June. During that period it saw limited skirmish action as Burnside consolidated his hold on New Bern. At the same time, in Virginia, Gen. George B. McClellan began his Peninsula Campaign against Richmond.
As reports from Richmond reached eastern North Carolina, the soldiers prepared to depart for Virginia. On the evening of June 19, Vance addressed his troops: "Fellow soldiers, it gives me great pleasure to announce to you that we will leave for Richmond, Va., tomorrow morning by daylight to take part in the vital struggle now pending before its walls." The soldiers greeted Vance's speech with "shouts of exultation."
When the regiment reached the railroad the next morning, they found that the train had room for only eight companies. The other two waited for a later train. Nonetheless, the troops began their trip to Virginia. On reaching Goldsboro, one car broke down and several others jumped the tracks. The men got the train moving again after several hours' work. Heavily loaded, the train moved slowly, at one point covering only eleven miles in nine hours. On the evening of June 21, the troops debarked at Petersburg after enduring a thirty-hour journey.
The 26th North Carolina, along with the remainder of Ransom's brigade, remained at Petersburg for several days. During that time Ransom kept his soldiers ready to march. He ordered that each man have "light knapsacks, 40 rounds of cartridges, and 4 days rations" prepared.
On the morning of June 24, the regiment received orders to board the train for Richmond at one o'clock that afternoon. The troops marched to the depot, only to learn their departure would be delayed. About 9:00 p.m. they boarded. Nearly 900 men had to be "pushed . . . shoved, and crammed" into only seventeen cars (including stable cars with horses) to make room for the entire regiment. Reaching Richmond at 1:00 a.m., the men bivouacked on the grounds of Capital Square.
After a few hours' rest, the regiment and the rest of Ransom's brigade joined Gen. Benjamin Huger's division near King's Schoolhouse, some five miles from Richmond on the Williamsburg Road and opposite the battlefield of Seven Pines. Huger's position was under attack by Union Gen. Joseph J. Hooker's division. Huger brought up Ransom's troops to help stem the Federal advance.
As troops filed into their position a mile and a half behind the advance forces, heavy artillery and rifle fire broke out on the front lines. While the men of the 26th North Carolina waited for orders to move forward, they saw ambulances and stretcher bearers pass carrying the wounded. An occasional "suppressed groan" certainly informed the new recruits that "war was no pastime."
The regimental band played the stirring strains of "Marseilles" as the men moved forward to a position close behind the front lines. While they awaited further orders, the troops endured a bombardment in the woods all around them. After nightfall, the unit, along with Col. Matt Ransom's regiment, started out on picket duty. Vance took five companies and moved through the woods to find the Georgia regiment he was to relieve. He ordered Burgwyn to follow with the balance of the men and to post them "as best possible."
The lieutenant colonel took his men into the woods; but before they went 200 yards, they became entangled in a swampy area. Burgwyn repeatedly tried to find his way to Vance's position. Limited visibility ("10 paces") hampered the effort. Giving up the search, he posted his men as best he could in the dark. Unfortunately, Burgwyn placed some of the troops "entirely within the enemies [sic] lines." He then made another effort to locate Vance.
Scarcely had Burgwyn found the other half of the regiment when shooting began from where he had left his men. Almost immediately, firing erupted along the entire line of the 26th North Carolina. While some of the men lay behind a rail fence, "Yankees poked their guns through the cracks to fire at them." In Burgwyn's sector, men received fire from front and rear, often at distances of less than ten yards. Some had their beards singed by rifle blasts. As the musket balls flew among them "thick as hale," most of the troops fell back in disarray, reforming at some distance to the rear of the picket line. Only Companies G, H, and K held their positions.
At this point Lt. Col. Burgwyn became irate with his brigade commander. Informing Ransom that the pickets were driven in, he requested further instructions. Ransom simply told Burgwyn to retake his former position. Burgwyn fumed at being ordered to go back to a spot he did not think he could find "to save myself from the gallows, and in hunting which I was liable at any moment to run upon a concealed foe." Nonetheless, he led the men who regrouped (about 100) back into the woods. He remained there until morning, when he united his force with that of Vance.
At daylight on June 26, the reformed regiment moved forward with other troops and retook the picket lines which the Federal troops had abandoned sometime during the night. Around 9:00 a.m., orders reached Vance to advance 300 yards and extend the regiment. This meant that the 26th North Carolina formed a skirmish line that covered the front of the Confederate line for about three-quarters of a mile. The weary troops settled down in their new position and tried to rest. Except for killing two Yankees who wandered too close to the picket line, little happened for the remainder of the day. Confederates stripped one of the dead men of his Enfield rifle and accoutrements. His boots became the property of a "not over sensitive Confed. who required just such an article."
About 5:00 p.m., another regiment relieved the 26th North Carolina from picket duty. As the men reached their camp they heard a "terrific cannonading" break the stillness of the evening. On the north side of the Chickahominy River, Gen. Robert E. Lee's offensive against the George McClellan's Army of the Potomac had begun in earnest near Mechanicsville. Although the rifle fire could not be heard from that distance, the roar of the artillery continued until around 9:00 p.m.
Early the next morning the men moved forward in support of a Georgia regiment. As they advanced, word came that Lee's army had taken possession of Mechanicsville, "completely defeating the enemy." Continuing on, they passed over ground where much of the June 25 battle had been fought. According to Burgwyn, "guns and equipments and bits of clothing, and finally unburied ghastly bodies met our gaze at every step. The sight was one calculated to excite reflections of the most serious nature."
After going about 400 yards, the troops met scattered fire. Skirmishers moved out to discover the exact location of the enemy. Commands, coming from the Federal lines, indicated that an attack was forthcoming. As the enemy formed, Confederate artillery opened fire on the Union position and stopped the threatened advance. The regiment remained in place until nightfall, when another unit relieved it.
The troops spent most of June 28 resting and preparing rations. At 4:00 p.m., Vance received orders to support a Virginia regiment on picket. Advancing down the Williamsburg Road, he split the regiment in two, sending Burgwyn with four companies to the left of the road while keeping six companies on the right. During the night the men heard "rumblings of wagons and apparently a great commotion in the enemy's camps. Large fires were seen to burn brightly." The "commotion" the troops heard came from McClellan's army as it burned its stores and continued its retreat.
Shortly after daybreak, the men pushed forward rapidly and found the Federal entrenchments around Seven Pines abandoned. Evidence of battle lay in abundance. Trees marked by artillery and rifle fire, human and equine bodies laying unburied, and discarded equipment remained in plain view of the soldiers. Officers kept the troops in their ranks and did not permit them to enjoy the bounty of the abandoned camp. A few somehow managed to gather relics "by which to remember the Yankees."
The regiment received orders to return to camp as quickly as possible, get breakfast, and to proceed down the Charles City Road in pursuit of the enemy. Around 10:00 a.m., shortly after the unit began its march, Gen. Huger received orders from Gen. John B. Magruder to protect the right of his force. Huger's troops remained in support of Magruder for almost three hours before Gen. Lee ordered the division to proceed down the Charles City road.
After bivouacking the night of June 29 along the road, the men of the 26th North Carolina broke camp and continued their march. Around 4:00 p.m., they reached White Oak Swamp. The soldiers could hear the sound of fighting a mile ahead of them. Although firing continued until dark, Huger did not commit his troops to battle. The soldiers camped that night along the swamp.
While the troops moved forward, the musicians followed behind and assisted the regimental surgeon. Band members dressed the wounds of the slightly injured, and helped the surgeon with more serious cases (such as amputations). They also attended to a number of other medical tasks.
Early on the morning of July 1, the men broke camp and resumed their pursuit of McClellan's army. By noon, they reached the battleground near Frayser's Farm (the battle the men had heard the previous day), where many of the wounded still lay pleading for assistance. Burgwyn stated that the smell of the "putrid air," the sights and sounds, all conspired to make a vivid impression on his memory.
The soldiers would confront much worse before the day ended. Soon after passing Frayser's Farm, Ransom's brigade moved to support the flank of Magruder's division as it assaulted the Federal position on Malvern Hill. McClellan had posted a strong artillery force, supported by infantry, atop the hill. Magruder's plan called for his troops to attack across "gentle slope of cleared land laid out in clover and corn" for about a mile.
As the men of the 26th North Carolina watched, Confederate regiments moved forward only to be "mowed down . . . with their artillery." At 7:00 p.m., the brigade received orders to move into position to charge the enemy. Ransom halted the regiment before it advanced far. While the shells fell around them, he made the troops form in close order before he sent them forward.
The men advanced up the Quaker Church Road (which cut through the middle of the battlefield). They had not gone very far when they came to a point where the road forked, and they took the wrong branch. Pushing forward, they met "skulkers from all states" retiring from the battle. Burgwyn grabbed one skulker and threatened to kill him with a sword unless he guided the lieutenant colonel into battle. The man agreed.
The regiment remained under fire from Union artillery the entire time. As Vance led the troops forward, they took advantage of a "little swell in the ground" to stop and reform their line of battle. Darkness fell, but men scrambled over a fence and continued the charge. They kept their course by relying on flashes from the Federal cannon. As the soldiers got closer to the enemy, they came upon other Confederates laying on the ground. These men told Burgwyn not to fire because friendly troops lay in front of the regiment. He stopped the unit and ordered his troops to lay down.
After the fighting ceased about 10:00 p.m., Ransom ordered his brigade to move quietly off the field. Part of the regiment did so in good order. Earlier however, Vance with a portion of the unit had been ordered into a small piece of woods. In the confusion they became separated from the others. During the night the men lay on or near the battlefield listening to the cries of the wounded. Burgwyn could distinctly hear them call, "3rd Alabama come and take me off; 2nd Louisiana give me some water."
As a cold rain fell on the morning of July 2, the Confederates looked over the grisly battlefield at Malvern Hill and saw that McClellan's army had left during the night. The officers of Ransom's brigade spent the remainder of the day collecting stragglers and organizing their units. They also struggled to care for the numerous wounded men (Confederate and Federal) as best they could.
The regiment remained near the battlefield for two days, then made its way back toward Richmond. On July 6, the troops received "a much needed rest." The next day they resumed their hot, dusty march. By July 9, the men reached their new camp at Drewry's Bluff.
Because Huger's division was not heavily engaged during most of the Seven Days, the 26th North Carolina suffered lightly in comparison to many other units in the Confederate army. During the campaign the unit lost 15 killed (or mortally wounded), 56 wounded, and 2 captured. With the exception of being partially routed the night of June 25 at King's Schoolhouse, the regiment performed the limited tasks assigned it during the campaign. The men knew they had played a role in defeating McClellan and their morale remained strong.
The regiment remained at Drewry's Bluff for three weeks. On July 29, it moved to Camp French, near Petersburg. The men spent much of this time building breastworks to make the area easier to defend against enemy attack. On one occasion the unit marched down to City Point. From there the men could see McClellan's camp across the river. Near dark, Gus Jarratt ventured down to the edge of the water and got a look at the "celebrated Monitor." Two major changes took place in the regiment at Petersburg. In mid-August, Vance left the unit. A short time later, the 26th North Carolina was transferred from Ransom's brigade.
In early June, 1862, a number of people pushed Vance's name forward as a gubernatorial candidate. On June 15 he accepted the nomination. Vance won the election by a landslide, beating his opponent by more than a two-to-one margin (almost four-to-one among the soldiers). With his election, governor-elect Vance left the regiment. On August 11, the officers presented him with a ceremonial sword. The evening before he departed, Vance made a speech to his troops that "brought the tears to many an eye that had long been a stranger to such a thing." The next morning, Vance left the 26th North Carolina.
During his time as colonel, Vance performed his duties reasonably well. Although lacking the military knowledge of Burgwyn, he brought to the position a number of other skills. Among these were the ability to recruit and inspire troops with his oratory skills, and his evident concern for the men who served under him. While Vance and Burgwyn did not always get along with each other, together they formed an effective team. In many instances Vance treated Burgwyn as a co-commander rather than a subordinate. One dealt with organizing and caring for the soldiers; the other handled the drill and discipline necessary to create an efficient military unit.
The issue of who would be the next colonel precipitated the second major change for the regiment. Burgwyn appeared the logical replacement for Vance, but he soon ran into strong opposition from outside the unit. General Ransom made quite clear his view that he considered Burgwyn too young to make a competent commander. Over the objections of the regiment, he nominated the lieutenant colonel of the 1st North Carolina Cavalry (Ransom's first command) to lead the 26th North Carolina. Ransom even went to see President Jefferson Davis concerning the matter. Davis told him that the conscription act (which allowed units to choose their officers) would not allow Burgwyn's promotion to be blocked. Thus, at age twenty, Henry K. Burgwyn, Jr., became the "boy colonel."
Because of the tension between Ransom and Burgwyn, the latter petitioned to have the regiment transferred to another brigade. Orders soon came from Richmond to shift the 26th North Carolina to a brigade commanded by Gen. J. Johnston Pettigrew. On August 27, as Ransom's troops marched out of camp heading north, the regiment marched south to Camp French near Petersburg. There it joined with the 11th, 44th, 47th, and 52nd North Carolina regiments.
The 26th occupied a unique position in Pettigrew's brigade: it was the only unit which had seen any combat. Despite this advantage, Burgwyn labored to improve what he believed was a "disorganized" unit. Every day the troops practiced battalion maneuvers for two hours in the morning and two more hours in the evening. Following the second drill, the troops formed for dress parade. The colonel also worked to keep his men physically fit. Three times a week the troops went on six mile marches.
During the fall of 1862 the regiment grew in number. At one time, Capt. John R. Lane travelled to Raleigh and returned with 110 volunteers and conscripts. In mid-October, Burgwyn informed his father that the unit had 1,172 men. He may have been correct in stating that it was "perhaps the largest regiment in the C.S.A."
The final task Burgwyn faced in shaping the unit to suit him was to fill the vacant offices of lieutenant colonel and major. He wanted either Capt. Oscar Rand or Capt. John T. Jones as his second-in-command. Objections from his senior captains forced him to change plans. After nearly two months of dispute, the vacancies were finally filled. Captain John R. Lane received the appointment to lieutenant colonel and Capt. Jones became the major. Although Burgwyn showed some disappointment in Lane's promotion, he expressed his pleasure at the overall situation of the regiment.
For the most part, soldiers fared well at Camp French. Moderately cool fall weather allowed the men to drill and work on entrenchments without suffering as they had during the hot, humid summer months. They also enjoyed visits from family and friends. In addition to bringing a touch of home to the camp, these visitors often brought clothes, food, liquor, and other delicacies.
The major complaints of the troops concerned a lack of food and shoes. L. L. Polk told his mother that he ate all he could, "for it is precious little. We are living very hard so far as eating is concerned." The problem came not from a scarcity of food so much as high prices. According to William Glenn, soldiers with money used most of it to feed themselves, while those without "must beg" or go hungry.
A lack of shoes presented another problem. In September, when Pettigrew's brigade advanced on Suffolk, Burgwyn had to leave behind those without shoes. On October 16, he told his father that not less than 200 men were without shoes and many more nearly barefoot. The problem remained a month later. As the regiment campaigned in eastern North Carolina, a number of troops marched barefoot through mud and snow.
The 26th North Carolina participated in a number of minor campaigns during the fall and winter of 1862-1863. The first of these came in the middle of September, when Pettigrew's brigade (and several other attached units) advanced on the Federal base at Suffolk. Confederates progressed as far as the Seaboard and Roanoke Railroad, twenty-five miles from Suffolk, when word came to halt the movement and return to Petersburg. Soldiers trudged back to camp in "a bad humor because we had to march so far and did not get to whip the yankees."
After remaining in camp for nearly a month, the regiment received orders to proceed to eastern North Carolina. There it worked with the 17th and 59th North Carolina regiments in an operation against the Union garrison at Plymouth. As the Confederates neared the town, Col. Radcliffe, commanding the expedition, detached the five companies of the 26th North Carolina to watch the Federal forces at nearby Washington. Radcliffe's move turned out to be prudent. While he attempted to capture Plymouth, Gen. John G. Foster moved up to Washington with over 5,000 men in an effort to trap the three Rebel regiments.
On November 2, Foster's troops moved out from Washington. A short time later they encountered two companies from the 26th North Carolina at Little Creek. The Federal commander pushed a brigade forward to drive them back. For nearly an hour, the Tarheels (reinforced by two more companies) held their ground at the creek. Realizing they would soon be overrun, Burgwyn pulled them back to another position behind a creek and pond at Rawls' Mill. There the troops delayed the Union advance for a half-hour. As the sun set, the Confederates burned the bridge at the mill and withdrew into the darkness. Although forced to retreat, the five companies delayed Foster's advance long enough to allow the other two North Carolina units time to pull back from Plymouth.
The regiment returned to its quarters at Camp French. Except for a brief trip back to North Carolina in mid-December, when Foster threatened to cut the Wilmington and Weldon Railroad at Goldsboro, the troops remained at their base for the next six weeks. The men quickly erected log houses for their winter quarters. Each building measured approximately sixteen by eighty feet, and was divided into six rooms. The dwellings were "chinked and daubed" and had a chimney for every two rooms. From eight to ten enlisted men shared a room. The officers had a house for themselves, which allowed them more room than the privates.
Yet like the previous year, the men did not get to enjoy their quarters very long. Less than six weeks passed before the regiment was ordered to join the rest of Pettigrew's forces in North Carolina. At the time the brigade operated from Magnolia, south of Goldsboro, on the Wilmington and Weldon line.
Although the troops had no tents, they got along well in their new location. A plentiful supply of food, clothing, and blankets helped compensate somewhat for the exposure. Men even built "houses" out of brush to serve as a wind break. Drilling and marching consumed most of their time. To some enlisted soldiers, marching from one place to another, then back, seemed quite pointless.
During this period, Capt. Louis G. Young, Assistant Adjutant General for the brigade, inspected the regiment. He evaluated the men on the basis of discipline, instruction, clothing, military appearance, weapons, equipment, and officer capability. Young rated Companies H and K as the best in the regiment. He stated that Company I was the "most indifferent Company . . . but not so bad as to be reported for its deficiencies." Young also noted that many companies were equipped with both muskets and rifles, and suggested they be armed with the same type of weapons if possible.
The most serious complaint of the soldiers concerned furloughs. For troops in the 26th North Carolina, along with those in many other Southern regiments, the Confederate Army's system of granting leave became a tantalizing morsel that remained out of reach for most. According to regulations, only one out of every twenty-five men in an outfit could go home at any given time. Yet a catch existed. Companies which had deserters or men absent without leave did not receive any furloughs. In Burgwyn's regiment, desertions disqualified all ten companies from receiving any furloughs under the rules.
The outrage of the soldiers over the lack of furloughs became tangible. "An Officer" and "A Private" from the regiment wrote letters to the Raleigh Standard. They angrily denounced the system for granting leave. The officer argued that a "few unpatriotic, cowardly" deserters kept all the men in the unit from getting a furlough. He pleaded in the name of common sense and humanity for passes for the "gallant men . . . who have braved the storms of two wintry campaigns . . . barefooted and nearly naked."
More than leave was at stake in this issue. Desertions and absences without leave had become a major problem for the army. A variety of reasons appear to have led to the defections. Some men worried about the welfare and safety of their families. Leonidas L. Polk confided his unease in a letter to his mother, telling her that he believed his wife and children would not be safe living in their isolated house by themselves. Another soldier worried about his family having sufficient food. He reminded his wife to claim her share of food provided to soldiers' families by county.
Other men undoubtedly left because they did not identify with the Confederate cause. A strong pro-Union sentiment remained in the northwestern mountain and central piedmont counties. Although these counties responded strongly to the state's first call for recruits, many people now argued that the war had become a "rich man's war and a poor man's fight." Such sentiments expressed in newspapers and letters from home did not strengthen a soldier's resolve to remain with his unit.
Confederate authorities hoped the system of furloughs would induce soldiers to remain with their units. In February, General Gustavus W. Smith, commander of the district, and Governor Vance issued proclamations granting a full pardon for deserters if they would return to their units immediately.
The 26th North Carolina had its share of deserters. On January 21, the Standard printed a notice from Col. Burgwyn offering a reward for the "apprehension and delivery" of sixty-two deserters from the regiment. To prevent further desertions, Burgwyn made the threat of a firing squad very clear to his troops. In December, 1862, Sgt. Andrew Wyatt of Company B deserted. He was soon captured and a court-martial condemned him to be shot. On January 26, Pettigrew's entire brigade assembled to witness the execution. An officer read the death sentence as the firing squad (formed from Wyatt's company) took its position in front of the condemned man. Although the same officer then read another order granting Wyatt a reprieve, the point got through to the soldiers. Desertions, which had peaked in December and January, dropped dramatically over the next three months.
The daily camp routine ended in March when Gen. Daniel H. Hill took command of Confederate forces in eastern North Carolina. Hill decided to attack the main Federal garrison at New Bern. His plan called for Gen. Junius Daniel's brigade to march on the town by a road along the Trent River, and for the brigade under Pettigrew to proceed down a road to Barrington's Ferry on the north side of the Neuse River. That way, the brigades would assault the garrison from two directions at the Goldsboro-Kinston-New Bern Area of Operations March, 1863 same time.
On March 9, Pettigrew's men left Goldsboro. During the morning a heavy rain fell and turned the roads to mud. For four days the troops continued their fatiguing march through rain and mud. Bridges over creeks often broke under the weight of wagons and heavy artillery accompanying the brigade. At one point, the men of the 26th North Carolina had to ford a creek some thirty yards wide. Soldiers joked that wading provided a good way to get rid of the mud. At dark on March 13, the infantry stopped eight miles from the ferry. Everything was set to attack the Federal fort next day.
At daybreak on March 14, Confederate artillery began to shell Fort Anderson. The only way to attack the fort was across a causeway "a quarter of a mile long and wide enough for a small wagon." Pettigrew advanced the 26th North Carolina to a point where it could storm across the causeway. He then brought up four twenty-pound Parrot rifles to shell the fort and Union gunboats on the Neuse. The bombardment lasted only a short time. The barrel of one gun burst, the axle of another broke, and the shells from the other two were defective. Pettigrew, realizing he could not counter the fire from the gunboats, ordered his men to pull back.
When Pettigrew began his withdrawal, he ordered the regiment to remain in place and cover the retreat. For six hours, Burgwyn's men held their position in front of the causeway and endured shelling from the gunboats. At last, the order to retreat came, and the men fell back under fire.
Although Pettigrew and Burgwyn highly complimented the way the regiment withstood "the furious shelling of the enemy without flinching," the soldiers again felt let down. They suffered seventeen casualties during the attack and "accomplished nothing." Exactly one year before, they had been driven from their defenses below the town. Now, when they had a chance to retake it, the failure of the Confederate artillery stopped them.
For the next month, the regiment moved through the eastern part of the state. During this period it had several small skirmishes with Federal troops. The unit also participated in an aborted siege against Washington. Finally, on April 18, it reached the town of Hookerton, where the men rested for ten days. According to W. E. Setser, the soldiers seemed to be in "good har," but tired of eastern North Carolina.
Setser and his fellow soldiers would soon get a chance to leave the state. While they operated against New Bern and Washington, Union Gen. Joseph Hooker prepared to attack the Robert E. Lee's army near Fredricksburg, Va. On April 30, Col. Burgwyn wrote his mother that he expected the 26th North Carolina to be called to Virginia within a week. The next day he received orders to proceed to Richmond.
The regiment had been in service for nearly two years. Although it could not be classified as a "veteran" combat unit, the troops possessed battle experience. While many Confederate units lost some of their best officers and men, the soldiers of the 26th North Carolina had grown in number and received countless hours of drill and discipline. The regiment now stood ready to rejoin the Army of Northern Virginia.
